شینکی اسمانه

ما خو دا نه ویل شینکی اسمانه

چی به د اور له پاسه اور راځی

زما د غیرت شمله به کښته ګوري

زما هدیرې ته به پیغور راځی

اسمانه ما خو داسی نه غوښتله

چی د ښارونو جنازې وژاړم

چي مي په کلیو کی بلا لنګه سي

چی د ځوانیو هدیرې وژاړم

اسمانه ما خو داسی نه ویله

چی د کابل ګریوان ته اور توی که

زما په جونګړه کی بلا وکره

زما په لستوڼی کی ښامار لوی که

اسمانه ما ستا د ځوانی په تمه

دلته رنګین رنګین خوبونه لیدل

ما له ازله بیخبره کوچي

له ورک یوسفه تعبیرونه غوښتل
ما ویل زه به ستا ښایستې سینې ته

له خپله نظمه امېلونه جوړ کړم

ستا له نسیم سره به الوزمه

ستا پسرلي ته به شعرونه جوړ کړم

ما ویل زه به ستا د شپې په زړه کی

د سباوون ترانې وپاڅوم

ما ویل زه به ټول نغمه نغمه سم

ستا د هستې شهباز به ونڅوم

ماویل زه به د سپېدو پر اوږو

ستا د زهرې پلوشې وتخنوم

۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵

اسمانه اوس خو اهریمن د قهر

راغزولي دي خیرن لاسونه

یا مرور دی له تعبیره قسمت

یا بیګانه  وه لېوني خیالونه

زما له زخمي کابله ویني څاڅي

کوڅو اخیستي دي ماشوم زخمونه

زما له انګړه جنازې درپاڅي

مه نیسه چیغو ته کاڼه غوږونه

اسمانه واخله ککرۍ درغلې

د ځوانیمرګو زړو تاوده رګونه

۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵

ماچی میوند میوند نارې وهلې

ما یی  په غېږه کی ګلونه غوښتل

ما چی هیلمند ته ترانې لیکلې

ما یی پرغاړه اتڼونه غوښتل

ماچی خیبرته حماسې لیکلې

ما یی لمن کی ولسونه غوښتل

ماچی پېچومي د پامیر ستایله

ما یی کمرونو کی لعلونه غوښتل

ما چي ټانکونه په سوکونو وهل

هغه می خړ وطن سمسور غوښتی

ماچی سکروټی په غاښو چیچلې

مامی سړو وینو ته اور غوښتی

ما چی ګولیو ته سینه سپرول

ما د ابا ساتلی کور غوښتی

ما د حیا پردو کی پټی غوښتې

چی می پیغلوټی د کابل ستایلې

ما یی سرونه تر عزت جارول

چی بې عزتو را سرتوري کړلې

۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵۵
بس که اسمانه نور یی مه زنګوه

د اهریمن د اولادونو زانګو

په نوراني غېږ کی دي مه لویوه

دا تور بدرنګه دا زامن د تیارو

نور د منبر څوکو ته مه خیژوه

د ریا کارو زاهدانو ټولۍ

نور د عصمت کوڅو ته مه وروله

د نامحرمو دلالانو غدۍ

نور پرکمبله راته مه ږغوه

دا د مرګي له چیغو ډکه شپېلۍ
چی په رګونو کی ساه وچلوي

دې سړو وینو ته می اور ورکړه

چی د کڼو غوږونه وپاڅوي

اسمانه چیغو ته می زور ورکړه .

ویرجینیا ۱۹۹۴ـ۹ـ۳


Kandahar

With Kandahar in the news again in the wake of the embarrassing 
prison-break, Bari Jahani’s poem gives me a great picture of how low 
Kandahar has fallen. Mr. Jahani was kind enough to share this with me a few
weeks back when I was corresponding with him on translations of some of 
his poems that I have been working on. You can find this and other poems 
of his on his website here as well: Jahani Online
             

 کندهاره در واري سم

بیا دی څه یرغل ته نیت دی چی دي تاو کړله برېتونه

بیا دي لېڅي دي را نغښتي بیا دي ښکاري مړوندونه

بیا دي واری پر ارغند دی بیا دي خپل کړل میوندونه

بیا شرنگی د زولنو دی بیا دي مات کړل محبسونه

یاغي سوي دي زلمیان دي قهرېدلي دي پلرونه

بیا باران دی دگولیو پاڅولي یې جنگونه

غواړې بیا دي په نکلونو روڼی شپې کړې تر سهاره

کندهاره در واري سم در واري سم کندهاره

ته خبر یې پر لمن دي دا د چا آسونه ځغلي

دا راکټ د چا له کوره دا د چا ټانکونه ولي

دا جنگونه چا راوړي دا فوجونه څوک راغلي

دا قلا د چا نړېږي د چا کلي سوځېدلي

دا پرون د چا ماتم وو او دا نن یې څوک ویشتلي

ویني پېژنم چی ستا دي دا غازیان چا را لېږلي

یو دي وژني په باروتو  بل د توري له پرهاره

کندهاره در واري سم در واري سم کندهاره
ته پوهېږې چی دا څوک دي ستا پر خاوره چی جنگېږي

جنگ د چا سوبه د چا ده چی ستا کور پکښی نړېږی

هغه ستا شین ارغنداو دی چی لمبې یې پورته کېږی

هغه ستا  دخور پوړنی ستا د پلار مېنه سوځېږي

د نیکه پر هدیره دي بیا پردۍ لمبې بلېږي

دا پردی چړي راغلی دا پردی ملا غورېږي

بیا یې نوي دي زده کړي منترونه له باداره

کندهاره در واري سم، در واري سم کندهاره

څه ارزانه دي تویېږي مستي ویني د زلمیانو

څه اسانه دي نړېږي مالتونه د خپلوانو

څه په زور دي ابادېږي هدیرې د شهیدانو

څنگه زړونه در سړېږي د پېړۍ د غلیمانو

څه پلټني دي جوړېږي د بې وزلو یتیمانو

څه نېښونه در رسېږي د لستوڼی د مارانو

ته به کله را ویښېږې د دښمن د باغ ملیاره

کندهاره در واري سم، درواري سم کندهاره
چا دي واخیستل پوځونه د طلا په خرمنونو

چا زلمي در لېوني کړل په وعدو د جنتونو

اوروي څوک له اسمانه بارانونه د بمونو

بې څښتنه دي جونگړه کبابېږي په اورونو

په زامنو دي نازېږي پنجرې د زندانونو

په خپل کور کی یې پردی کړې د پردیو تپوسونو

د ازل برخه دي ښکاري ستا له خپله لاسه خواره

کندهاره در واري سم، در واري سم کندهاره
نه خوشال توره ایستلې را وتلی پر اورنگ دی

نه ایوب چپاو را وړی پر توپونو د فرنگ دی

نه زخمي دښمن په زړه کی ستا د مټو په خدنگ دی

ښار په وینو کی لمبېږي د خپل ځان په وینو رنگ دی

د تور تم ادې لنگېږي له رڼا سره یې جنگ دی

د عرفان ډېوې مړې کېږي د نصیب د توري شرنگ دی

ته به کله را پاڅېږې د اوږدو شپو له خماره

کندهاره در واري سم، در واري سم کندهاره
لا تر څو به یې مغروره په کیسو د میوندونو

لا نیکه به درته لولي زړې پاڼی د قرنونو

ورځی شپې به دی تېرېږي د بدیو په نکلونو

د سیالانو به دي تېر وي جرسونه تر مزلونو

ته به سل کاله یې پاته  د زمان له کارانونو

لټوې به په پرون کي تعبیرونه د خوبونو

لا تر څو به دي په خوا وي د مرگي د کنډو لاره

کندهاره در واري سم، در واري سم کندهاره
ته د غم په شپه پیدا یې ته ماتم ته زېږېدلی

ته  د هري بلا سپریې هره ورځ اجل نیولی

هر خونکار دي په لمن کي خپل غضب دی ازمېیلی

چا دي سترگي دي ایستلي چا دي زوی دی در وژلی

چا دي ویني بهولي چا دي کور دی سوځولی

چا له پاسه په بمونو چا پر مځکه یې ویشتلی

همدا ستا چیغي به باسي دا لېوان له دغه ښاره

کندهاره در واري سم، در واري سم کندهار
د افغان دبگړۍ گله د غلیم د سترگو خاره

کندهاره در واري سم ، در واري سم کندهاره
٢٠٠٨-٢٢-جون                     ویرجینیا


Hekmatyar the Compromise?

A couple days back, Pajhwok broke news of Hizb-e-Islami and Taliban battling each other in Maidan Wardak. The news, despite being very curious, went almost unnoticed. Even the usually attentive Af-Pak Channel at Foreign Policy had only line on it in their daily brief. But if some sources are to be believed, the news could give us a clue about Hekmatyar’s future. First, here is the Pajhwok piece:

The death toll from an ongoing clash between Taliban and Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan (HIA) in central Maidan Wardak province increased to seven on Sunday when four more people were killed, a district chief said on Sunday.The clash that erupted between armed men loyal to two rival commanders, Mullah Zakhil of the Taliban and Azizullah of the HIA in Sadmardi area of Nirkh district on Saturday night was still ongoing, Mohammad Hanif Hanifi said. He added they had received reports of seven people killed and scores wounded in the firefight.Residents said the Taliban commander Zakhil was injured and some of his supporters were killed. More gunmen were joining opposition ranks and residents staying indoors, they said. There was no word from the anti-government groups about the clash.

On the one had, its natural to interpret this us as a clash of only local proportions where personal animosities between commander might be the cause and nothing ideological. However, if one Washington insider is to be believed, the news is a reflection of how Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the Hizb e Islami leader, has broken away from the Taliban and might be reconciling with the government soon.

The news comes a day after the Pakistani Prime Minister visited Kabul to announce a joint Peace Commission between the two countries. The visit had particular importance because the Pakistani Army Chief of Staff General Kayani and the ISI Chief General Pasha both accompanied him on the trip. Moreover, the announcement of the joint commission was made by Gilani and Karzai only echoed it. Pakistan showed an enthusiasm for reconciliation that was unseen to date. In fact, this was their first resounding statement after a long period of hesitance.

Hekmatyar has always been a darling of Pakistan. One of the reasons why the civil war dragged so long during the 1990s was that Pakistan wanted to see Hekmatyar take the highest office in Afghanistan, which never materialized. If there is any connection between these two dots– the battle in Maidan and the visit by Pakistani delegation– then its a fair assumption that Hekmatyar might be the compromise that Pakistan has achieved. Pakistan has convinced the United States to bring Hekmatyar on board and he will be the safeguard to their interests in the future of the Afghanistan.

What throws off this assumption, though, is that Hekmatyar has never seemed to be a priority of Karzai’s government. In fact, his name barely comes up in the talks on reconciliation with the insurgency: southern Taliban have always the focus of his reconciliation efforts.  This lack of attention to Hekmatyar could be that Karzai does not believe he makes up that big a part in the insurgency. Or, another possibility, is that behind the silence there has always been talks with Hekmatyar through Pakistan that might be coming to fruition now. The number two in the Peace Council, Attaullah Ludin, is a Hizb e Islami. They have had talks with Hekmatyar’s representatives recently. And what was the location of their couple meetings with Hizb e Islami representatives? Surprise surprise: Islamabad.


A New Afghanistan

The younger generation of Afghan politicians–people like Fawzi Koofi, Waheed Omer, Amrullah Salleh etc– give me tremendous hope for the country.

Here is a excerpt from Fawzia Koofi’s recent profile in Ms. Magazine:

Representing the distant Badakhshan province, this single mother of two young girls is a tenacious voice in the national discourse. Whether debating electoral fraud on television or revealing abuses in the prison system in Parliament, her passion and unbending civility stands out as a rare combination in the country’s infant democracy. She won the second highest number of votes from her province in the recent parliamentary elections, only 250 behind the leading candidate (a former commander), and a resounding 7,000 votes ahead of her closest male competitor. In a country where women largely make it to the Parliament because of a gender quota, the election results speak to Ms. Koofi’s popularity. At the local level she has championed the building of a highway from Kabul to Faizabad. At the national level, through her agenda and personal example, she has worked tirelessly to achieve substantial women participation in national politics.

To read the rest of the articleMs. Magazine:  Fawzia Koofi: Making a New Afghanistan For Her Daughters

Waheed Omer, the current spokesperson to President Karzai, is an impressively well-rounded character. Well educated, with a masters from York University, Omer is a poet, a writer, and a masterful orator. A former civil society activist– founder of Young Leaders Forum– Omer has spent the past 6 years in different capacities in the government. He founded the Government Media and Information Center. He was a major factor in Karzai reelection: as his campaign spokesperson, he managed the local media very well. Equally fluent in Dari and Pashto, his television debates were critical in defending Karzai’s image despite being a position of great weakness. His proficiency in both languages showed Karzai as a national figure while Abdullah’s representatives stuck to one language, Dari.

But what is most impressive about Omer is his mix of energy, eloquence, and civility that he brings to his politics.

We need more Fawzia Koofis and Waheed Omers to step up for the sake of a new Afghanistan.


Peace with the Taliban

What is at stake in the Afghan government’s efforts to make peace with the Taliban?

Amrullah Saleh, a former intelligence chief under Karzai and current opponent of the president’s policy, agrees. He told prominent Kabul-based television channel Tolo News: “They are the same Taliban who used scorched-earth tactics against not only humans but also trees and animals. Nothing has changed about their cruelty.”

Saleh and his former government colleague Hanif Atmar have been vocal in their opposition to government attempts to forge a deal, with Atmar, the interior minister until he resigned in the autumn, calling the talks “political insanity”.

The two men, well respected as effective administrators during their years in Karzai’s national security team, are leading a vociferous opposition. Their insight into the Taliban, appeal to young people and undeniable eloquence has put the government’s political agenda in an awkward position.

A recent piece at Al Jazeera English: Rebranding the Taliban


The Power of Youth…and their Vulnerability

In the wake of the Egyptian revolution, and in relation to Dexter Filkin’s recent post about the lessons of Egypt to Afghanistan, I was reminded of a passage by Pankaj Mishra. It describes the winds of change that blew in Afghanistan in the 1960s and how the youth of Kabul University marched the streets. In retrospect, those events manifest the power of the youth as well as their vulnerability:

It is hard to imagine now, but for students at Kabul University, 1968 was no less a hectic year than it was for students at Columbia, Berkeley, Oxford, and the Sorbonne. A king, Mohammad Zahir Shah, had been presiding over the many ethnic and tribal enclaves of Afghanistan since 1933. But he knew enough of the world elsewhere to attempt, cautiously, a few liberal reforms in his capital city, Kabul. The university had been set up in 1946; a liberal constitution was introduced in 1964; the press was technically free; women ran for public office in 1965. By the Sixties, many students and teachers had traveled abroad; and new ideas about how to organize the state and society had come to the sons of peasants and nomads and artisans from their foreign or foreign-educated teachers.

In the somewhat rarefied world of modernizing Kabul, where women were allowed to appear without the veil in 1959, communism and radical Islam attracted almost an equal number of believers: to these impatient men, the great Afghan countryside with its antique ways appeared ready for revolution. It was from this fledgling intelligentsia in Kabul that almost all of the crucial political figures of the next three decades emerged.

Pankaj Mishra, The Making of Afghanistan

 


Back From Kabul: impressions

Smog in Kabul (Image: FRE/RL)

 

I recently got back from three weeks in Kabul.  Here are first two impressions. More to come later.

1. Until last week, it had not rained or snowed in Kabul. For the Kabulis, if nothing else hurts them the environment will. Pollution in this  small city is at extreme degrees. During the day, particularly in the afternoons, visibility beyond 20 meters is impossible due to dust and smoke. Quite a depressing situation. To imagine that people on the streets breath this air 24/7 is a dark reality. Cars are abundant on the street, vast construction creates tremendous dust, and on top of all that you have at least 2-3 stoves in every home that burn material ranging from wood and coal to diesel and trash.

2. The extent of women involvement in public life is much more visible. One small example speaks for it: at the airport, you see as many young female workers doing the routine security checks as male workers. Most of them in their 20s, a representation of the vast potential in Afghanistan. I hear that close to 60% of the country is between the ages of 18-35, which is quite a heartening statistic.

As dusk took over Kabul Airport and I walked up the stairs to board the plane, there were workers at the bottom of the stairs, checking the boarding passes one last time. One of them was a petite and pretty young lady, wearing a lime fluorescent jacket on top of her blue uniform. Her hands in the pockets of the her jacket, she paced about with an air of tremendous confidence. It was a fantastic little scene, very telling of some of the progress in the country.


Richard Holbrooke

Seasoned diplomat Richarad Holbrooke, President Obama’s Special Envoy to Paksitan and Afghanistan, passed away in Washington on Monday. He was 69 years old.

Mr. Holbrooke left a strong legacy of diplomatic achievements, most important of which being the Dayton agreement to end the bloody conflict in the Balkans. He also served as Deputy Secretary of State and Ambassador to the United Nations under President Bill Clinton.

A lot of expectations came with the job that Mr. Holbrooke took under President Obama– to coordinate the efforts in Afghanistan. Having established a reputation of being a tough negotiator,  the Ambassador was entrust the responsibility of working towards a solution in Afghanistan. But during his time, Mr. Holbrooke found it quite difficult there, causing tremendous strain in President Karzai’s relationship with the Obama administration.

One of the reasons given for why Mr. Holbrooke was frustrated in Afghanistan was his assertive– and at time bullying–style of diplomacy. It worked in the Balkans, but Afghanistan was different. The Ambassador was quite confident of himself and usually would not tone down his criticism of the players involved, particularly Karzai.  Jean Mackenzie at GlobalPost sums it up nicely:

Holbrooke’s last post, as the Obama administration’s special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, will most likely not figure among his finest hours. Long-time friend and colleague Peter Galbraith, who served as ambassador to Croatia while Holbrooke was negotiating an end to the Balkan war, told the BBC Monday evening that the Dayton Accords, signed in 1995 and effectively putting an end to hostilities in the three-year conflict in Yugoslavia, would serve as Holbrooke’s legacy….most observers acknowledge that Holbrooke was a problematic figure in both Kabul and Washington.

But one has to wonder whether it was Holbrooke or the awkward role that he was assigned that created the tensions. The Ambassador repeatedly declared that the military solution was not viable in Afghanistan, yet he found himself working a long side a massive military operation and trying to coordinate his efforts in that shadow. Perhaps, he would have been more effective if  reconciliation had been given a more prominent place in the policy, and if face to face negotiations with the Taliban had been taken up, what many intellectuals and experts are calling for right now.

While Mr. Holbrooke would have hoped for more concrete achievements in Afghanistan, his frustrating time there was not completely ineffective. He put tremendous pressure on President Karzai’s administration to cut down on corruption, and he spoke repeatedly for tackling the save heavens across the border in Pakistan. Above all, he assiduously spoke of a political solution, which might as well be the only way out of the war in Afghanistan..

Nick Kristof over at NYT pays  a heartfelt farewell to the Ambassador:

I’ve never met an abler diplomat, or a smarter one, than Richard Holbrooke. He was inevitably the brightest guy in the room, and usually the most pragmatic and hardest-working – and he was also a friend whom I admired hugely. His death today is a tremendous loss for all of us who knew him, and for the country as well. Richard never achieved his dream of becoming secretary of state, but he leaves a legacy around the world – from Bosnia to East Timor, from AIDS clinics in South Africa to his legions of followers in the United States – that exceeds that of many Secretaries of State. He was simply a legendary public servant, and an inspiration.


The Constitutional Struggle Over Election Results

Tensions are high over the results of parliamentary elections in Afghansitan (Photo: ToloNews)

On October 6, I went against the current and showed optimism in the parliamentary elections. I thought that in the given context, the voting process had not been as bad as certain news outlets made it to be. But I highlighted that the main challenge lay in how claims of fraud are dealt with. I wrote:

The next stage, of how the fraud is dealt with, is incredibly critical.

For a second time in a year, ordinary afghans have braved the threats to cast their votes. They have played their part in this flirt with democracy, but if serious action is not taken to ensure them that their voices matter, they will lose hope.  The future of the democratic system in Afghanistan will be in peril.

It is crucial that this time around the Afghan leadership really crack down on those who were involved in the fraud. For the sake of saving any hopes of democracy, the government and the leaders need to forget about their pride. They need to man up and accept that there were enormous shortcomings. Rather than questioning its extent and blaming others, they need to take action: punish those who committed systematic fraud, ban them from participating in politics, and perhaps even redo the voting process in certain districts with tighter security and anti-corruption measures. The people need to know that democracy is not corrupt and rotten, but individuals are. If this message is not clearly given to the Afghan people, any hopes of a democracy in the future will be childish.

Well, it turns out that I was overly optimistic. The post-voting process has been a complete shit-show. It is developing into a constitutional crisis.

The problem began with the province of Ghazni, where contenders from the ethnic minority Hazara won all the seats. The Pashtoon candidates claimed this was unfair for the fact that in most districts polling stations remained close due to Taliban threat. They claimed that a minority group could not represent the entire Province of Ghazni. President Karzai publicly sympathized with them, asking the Election Commission to find a legal solution that ensures “national unity.” Over this and many other, a massive heated and public argument has erupted between the Attorney General’s Office, the Election Commission and and the Electoral Complaints Commission .

The Attorney General’s office released arrest warrants for several members of these commissions and asked the Supreme Court to declare the election results as void. The Election Commission, in return, has questioned the legality of the Attorney General’s involvement in this matter. They claim that no authority can overrule their final announcement of the results.

Initially, the Election Commission remained calm and calculated in its response to the Attorney General’s calls. More recently, however, they have responded in very bold words. Fazel Ahmad Manawi, head of the commission, in his recent press conference accused the Attorney General’s office of “bullying that can lead to instability in the country.” He scorned the charge sheet sent to the supreme court which recommends the highest form of punishment [execution] for the 14 members accused.

Where will the legal argument lead? Does the Attorney General’s Office have the authority to question the results of the elections? Many believe  it does. The AG has presented criminal cases of fraud against top election officials as well as winning candidates. This seems within their bounds of authority. But Mr. Manawi, himself a former Supreme Court Justice, has challenged their authority on the grounds that the election law only gives the Election Complaints Commission the authority to call the results void.  Him being a prominent legal scholar and a former justice, one is tempted to believe that he,too, has strong reasons for his position. How will this public argument end? Hard to predict, but expect it to get eve more messier.

During all this, President Karzai has remained very quiet. Yes, he did sympathize with the losing Ghazni candidates, but since then he has said nothing bold. Waheed Omer, his spokesman, has insisted that the President will take no measures against the constitution. Yesterday, he declared more precisely that the President does not have the authority to call the results void. But is the Attorney General’s office doing his work for him? It seems so. The Attorney General has almost always acted in line with the President’s wishes. In this case, too, the President seems like he is raising his concern through the AG while maintaining an uninvolved public image.


War Reporting

Last week, it was revealed that Dexter Filkins is leaving the New York Times  for the New Yorker.  Obviously, its a massive loss for the New York times.  But for the readers? This means that Mr. Filkins will have more time and room to produce the kind of profound stories that he has done more often than any reporter of our time.
Here is a fine example of the kind beautiful writing that Mr. Filkins has given us so often and we hope to see more of. George Packer wrote about this on his New Yorker blog. Mr. Filkins is describing how he felt immediately after seeing a solider get killed:
And at that moment, you think about how the word of his death will travel; how it will depart Iraq or Afghanistan and move across the ocean and into the United States and into the town where he lives, Corinth, Miss., say, or Benwood, W.Va., and into the houses and the hearts of the people who love him most in the world. And at that moment, standing there, looking down on the dead man, you can wonder only what the family will do when the terrible news finally arrives, how they will resist it and wrestle with it and suffer from it, and how they will cope and how they will remember.
— Dexter Filkins’s introduction to Ashley Gilbertson’s book of photograps

From Ashley Gilbertson's photographs of dead soldiers's bedrooms, published in NYT


Poetry:Tying Satan’s Hands Behind his Back

Original in Pashto: Abdul Bari Jahani
Mr. Jahani is the most prominent contemporary poet in Afghanistan who writes in Pashto. He beautifully weaves classical and mystical themes such as intoxication and music with more contemporary, political ones such as invasion, resistance, and social erosion.
Jahani is particularly celebrated for his satirical poems that have a clear narrative and deal with themes of superstitions and corruption. “Shaikh Nasruddeen” is an example of such satirical poetry. The Shaikh is a Don Quixotic type of character. But perhaps a little more clever. And the poem has a more direct message than Don Quixote. I hope that at least a small bit of the original humor comes across in this translation.

Shaikh Nasruddeen

Image Source: "English for Students"

Long ago, in a distant village, was a young man
without people, without belongings, without a home.
A champion of reason, sturdy and strong
but dismal fate had left his heart swollen.
His father had named him Nasruddeen in pride,
but, poor, wretched, a mere Nasrugay he was called.
Neither his summers, nor his winters were comfortable;
from heat or cold, he never ceased to grumble.

As his heart grew weary of his village and tribe,
jaded with the elders and the youth alike,
Nasrugay declared: I’m leaving on a journey,
whatever happens will be kismet and destiny.
He rolled up his sleeves to end his poverty
and passed village after village, around the country.

One day, as dusk fell on Nasrugay, the air darkened.
In a shrine, on a Shaikh’s almhouse he knocked.
This shrine, this house, belonged to Shaikh Qader
Among the saints, well esteemed and high regarded.
In the Shrine, Nasrugay secured a place to rest
and, amongst the hangers-on, became a guest
In the corners of the house, in various rooms
crowds of guests convened; conversations bloomed.
From the kitchen, full steaming plates arrived
and the guests eagerly devoured bite after bite.

As he listened to the stories of the men,
he measured them with the scale of his wisdom.
In the hundred tales that he patiently heard
The secrets of the Shaikh Qader were unveiled!

Nasrugay, too, in his chamber, began to bow and sway
From dawn to dusk, he prayed and prayed.
Spending all his time bent in prostration,
he no longer cared for food or conversation.
Word of him traveled to the dervishes and faqirs.
With praises they rushed to him and began to query:
Shaikh, from what city, when did you arrive? Tell us
So on your path we sacrifice the rest of our lives.
Nasrugay refrained from answering, paid no attention,
leaving the dervishes to lament in dejection.
One of the dervishes, wiser than the rest
aware of the house’s long buried secrets
approached Shaikh Qader in great haste,
and after score of praises, informed the Saint:
A godly traveler has recently joined our way
Days and nights, all he does is pray and pray.
So focused that he has no time for food or stories
On his knees all day, I’m sure he’s after some glory!

At midnight, Shaikh Qader entered the chamber
and quietly hissed in Nasrugay’s sleeping ear:
Tell me your actual purpose right away.
This same night, you must end your stay!
Nasrugay, regaining his senses from confusion,
paid his respects and recounted his misfortunes:
Fed up with endless poverty, O almighty saint
I left on this hopeful journey to other lands.
But upon your command, in this darkness
I’ll ride my wretched fate out of your place.
But to do so, I ask your help, and the Lord’s grace.
The Shaikh, slipping hand to pocket in a flash
withdrew few coins and threw them into Nasrugay’s lap:
Here is some money, and there’s an ass in the barn.
Look after it; the animal is a very special kind.
Nasrugay, with amazement, took the money
mounted the ass, and resumed his journey.
For a few nights, he traveled through deserts and hills.
The ass was old, quickly wearied and fell ill.
By the road side, as tears streamed down his face,
Nasrugay mourned the struggling ass’s fate.
When dusk took over, Nasrugay was left alone.
His ass dead, his heart broken, he wailed in vain.
He buried the ass, building for it a large tomb.
At its feet he wept until his heart calmed.
In the morning, on the fresh tomb
he raised a grand waving flag of scarlet shade,
Announcing: this is Ghaybana Father’s Shrine!
I found it after many years of constant trying.
Without food or sleep I’ve served it hard and long;
with constant prayers, I’ve lighted his nights to dawn.
His frenzy has so quickly spread through the lands
Every soul, in every house, is familiar with his legend.
A dozen times, even more, he’s visited my dreams
With his finger, he’s pointed me to his tomb.
This shrine is for the barren and blind
for the widows, despairing and maligned.
The legend of the Shrine traveled through hands
Ghaybana Father grew famous in far towns.
Some brought cows for him, some herds of sheep
some offered money, some grains in heaps.
Soldiers, constables, sheriffs–those of high esteem
To Ghaybana Father, all sorts of people came.
In little time, Nasrugay became Shaikh Nasruddin:
a saint so rich that his crown in jewels gleamed.
Within a year he wedded three or four young ladies
plump as partridges, pretty as daisies.
Shaikh Qader was informed by one of the guests:
a great Shaikh has emerged from the Shaikhs
claiming he is the saint of the poor, the distressed;
he’s returned sight to numerous blind eyes
and cured fatal disease– most palsied hands and feet!
His frenzy has so quickly spread through the lands
Every soul, in every house, is familiar with his legend.
That a new Shaikh had brought a disaster on his tribe,
this news bruised Shaikh Qader’s fragile heart.
It was midnight, he mounted his horse and rode away.
At the Shrine, he asked a moment of Shaikh’s company.
Shaikh Nasruddeen had retreated to his chamber,
but as the name of Shaikh Qader caressed his ear
he blushed in excitement and proudly declared:
Leave us alone and don’t bother us for few moments
for this is a secret meeting of two old acquaintance.
Once left alone, the two Shaikhs began to converse.
The legend of the new shrine was recounted bit by bit
and Shaikh Qader was informed of the whole truth.
Shaikh Qader, stunned by the story, slowly began to speak:
My highest praises for you. For your enemies, defeat.
The secrets– yours and mine– are thus hidden
for we have both acquired the friendship of one Satan.
That you have so quietly raised a flag upon an ass
You have tied Satan’s hands behind his back.
Take good care of it, it is lineal and legitimate;
It’s father’s made me into this commanding saint.
His grandfather’s buried in another town;
hundred dervishes are prostrate on its grounds.
An almighty patron, confers to every need
and fulfills every heart’s desire, every plead.
The simple-minded come to it for pilgrimage
and bring along with them droves of sheep.

The Pashtoon tribe is a tribe of ignorance
Their land is a heaven for the rogue and the cheat
To anyone who grows long-shaggy hair, in respect
they give him their daughters and all their wealth.
Yesterday a barber came to them, today he’s their boss
he’s their elder, their lord, and their priest.
Whoever grows a long beard here is fit to lead.
In this city of the blind, a one-eyed is Lord.

If you desire paradise now, in this world,
countless servants, pretty women and good wine
for a brief period, seek detachment.
Then, by the highway, build a shrine.
For your household, a darbar leave behind
and reign over generation after generation.


Chains and Wounds: Poetry

Mr. Tabish's recent collection of poetry, "Human is Not a Bird"

From now on, I will frequently translate little bits of Pashto and Dari poetry and share through this blog.

Here is for a start: a section of a Ghazal by Qanbar Ali Tabish. Mr. Tabish was born in Ghazni about 40 years ago. Currently, he lives in Qum, Iran, where he is the editor of a magazine called “Fajr e Omid.” Mr. Tabish has published several collections of poems in Iran.

For the full poem in Dari click here

وطنم دوباره اينک تو و شانه های پامير
بتکان ستاره ها را که سحر شود فراگير
بتکان ستاره ها را که ستاره های اين شهر
همه يادگار زخمند همه يادگار زنجير

Pamir, with its twists and bends, is my homeland once again.
But shake down these stars so dawn can takeover
Shake them down, for the stars of this town
are nothing but reminders of chains and wounds.


Absurdities revealed in WikiLeaks

 

I will be updating this post with some of the absurd things from the Wikileaks, relating to Afghanistan.

Here is US embassy in Kabul’s analysis of a minister proposed to the Parliament by President Karzai. What a Genius!

--Commerce - Ghulam Mohammad Elaqi (Hazara). 
He was the Central Bank Chairman in 
the 1990s, and former Chamber of Commerce President until 2008. 
He was allegedly accused of corruption in 2001. His nomination 
was supported by Mohaqqeq,although he also has a relationship with 
competing Hazara powerbroker Khalili. 
Khalili appointed him as a secondary representative at the 2001 
Bonn conference. He reportedly owns a factory in Tashkent used to
 export special bags made from sheep stomach that are used frequently
 by heroine smugglers to prevent detection. Also, reportedly he took 
about $1.5 million from small businessmen in Afghanistan in 1995 to 
open a trading company, but instead absconded with the funds.

The Clever Mullah

Was it him?

It’s been a week of accusations and blame games in Afghanistan. The Clever Mullah who duped the Afghans and NATO is all over the headlines. He got his money, and quite possibly in tens of millions of dollars, and disappeared. But the shame remains, for NATO and the Afghan leadership.

How did an ordinary shopkeeper from Quetta, Pakistan manage to cause so much excietment, to make it all the way to the Presidential Palace, and to piss all over the hopes of an entire nation that was playing into the hype around high-level talks?

The easy way out: blame the British.

In an interview, Mohammad Umer Daudzai [Karzai’s chief of Staff] said that the British brought a man purporting to be Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansour, a senior Taliban leader, to meet Karzai in July or August but that an Afghan at the meeting knew “this is not the man.”

Daudzai’s comments were the most direct assignation of blame so far, though U.S. officials have also said that the fake Mansour was primarily a British project. U.S. officials have long characterized the British as more aggressive than the Americans in pushing for a political settlement to end the war.

The false Mansour was “the Brits’ guy,” said a senior American official familiar with the case. “It was the British who brought him forward.”

While the British have messed up several times in Afghanistan, particularly in the

Mullah Zaif, on his iPhone: "we got'm real bad. LOL"

Southern province of Helmand, its harsh to lay the blame entirely on them. After all, NATO seemed entirely on board with this. General Petraeus openly said that NATO was securing the highway so Taliban leaders can make it to Kabul for Talks.

“And indeed in certain respects we do facilitate that, given that, needless to say, it would not be the easiest of tasks for a senior Taliban commander to enter Afghanistan and make his way to Kabul if ISAF were not witting and therefore aware of it and allows it to take place,”
The Guardian, in its Sunday issue, had some insightful comments about the Clever Mullah from the former Chief of Afghan Intelligence, Amrullah Saleh. Mr. Saleh said that “his agency first vetted the man, who claimed to be a representative of Mullah Akhtar Mohammad Mansour, one of the highest-ranking figures in the Taliban, in mid-2008, but rejected him after he was unable to prove his credentials.”
Mr. Saleh puts the blame on the Karzai government:
“This became so exciting that even certain figures were thinking of either an Afghan Dayton agreement or Good Friday agreement for Afghanistan,” he said. “It shows the desperation of the leadership in Kabul, detachment from the reality and lack of sophistication on the most sensitive issues.”
And the Guardian also takes a swing at the US and NATO:
Western sources say that the UK did play a role in the debacle, with MI6 acting as a key intermediary because the CIA is not authorised to talk directly with insurgents. However, the decision for the British to proceed was taken by General Stanley McChrystal, the former US commander of Nato forces in Afghanistan.
And, to end on a light note, Foreign Policy has a nice suggestion on how to avoid these kind of episodes in the future. They have a checklist of how to tell the fake mullahs from the real ones:

10. Keeps asking if the peace talks can be held in the Maldives

9. Eyepatch switches sides from meeting to meeting

8. Introduces himself as “Colonel Iqbal from the ISI”

7. Runs up a large minibar tab at the Four Seasons Kabul

6. Wife angling for a spot on “The Real Housewives of Kandahar”

5. Claims to be texting Mullah Omar but is actually just playing Angry Birds the whole time

4. Offers to settle Afghan War with a game of Jenga

3. Turban made of an actual towel

2. Wears trench coat, offers to sell the letters O and U

1. Agrees to trade Osama bin Laden for Justin Bieber


Really, Mark Sedwill?

(AFP-- through RFE/RL)

I  believe that Mark Sedwill is a highly qualified, smart guy. But the following comesas  a big surprise. Don’t know what frame of mind he was in

KABUL (Reuters) – Children are probably safer growing up in Afghanistan’s major cities, including the Taliban stronghold of Kandahar, than in London, New York, or Glasgow, NATO’s top civilian envoy to Afghanistan has said.

Mark Sedwill’s comments were made during an interview to be aired on Monday on Children’s BBC Newsround, a popular British daily current affairs program aimed at children.

“Here and in Kabul and the other big cities, actually, there are very few of those bombs,” he said.

“The children are probably safer here than they would be in London, New York or Glasgow or many other cities,” he said.

“It’s a very family-orientated society, so it is a little bit like a city of villages,” he said.

His remarks, which feature in a two-part series exploring the lives of children in Afghanistan, were rejected as misleading by an official from the aid group Save the Children.

“One in five children die before they get to the age of five. So to say it’s safer than to live in London, New York or Glasgow is daft,” said the representative from Save the Children, who requested anonymity so he could speak freely.

According to New York Times, Mr. Sedwill tried to  claim that his remarks were aired out of context. But the best thing would have been just to apologize and move on with it. Here is the NYT quote from his email:

“I was trying to explain to an audience of British children how uneven violence is across Afghanistan,” he said. “In cities like Kabul where security has improved, the total levels of violence, including criminal violence, are comparable to those which many Western children would experience. For most Afghans, the biggest challenges are from poverty — the absence of clean water, open sewers, malnutrition, disease — and many more children are at risk from those problems than from the insurgency.”

Another telling quote from the NYT article:

The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission says such episodes [violence against children] are increasingly common. A new report by the commission noted what it said was a worrying increase in violence against children as well as child labor in all Afghan provinces.

“Mr. Sedwill should come to the Human Rights Commission and consider the reports we receive on a daily basis,” said Hussein Mushrat, the report’s author. “Children are not safer here.”

Al Jazeera would like to remind Mr. Sedwill of what he misses to see in his time in Kabul:


Women Self-Immolation

A screenshot from Lynsey Addario's video

In yesterday’s New York Times, Alissa Rubin and Lynsey Addario published a moving piece on the plight of women in Afghanistan, especially in western province of Herat.  In recent years, the number of women self-immolation are growing rapidly in that part of the country.  Ms. Rubin wrote:

The hospital here is the only medical center in Afghanistan that specifically treats victims of burning, a common form of suicide in this region, partly because the tools to do it are so readily available. Through early October, 75 women arrived with burns — most self-inflicted, others only made to look that way. That is up nearly 30 percent from last year.

But the numbers say less than the stories of the patients.

It is shameful here to admit to troubles at home, and mental illness often goes undiagnosed or untreated. Ms. Zada, the hospital staff said, probably suffered from depression. The choices for Afghan women are extraordinarily restricted: Their family is their fate. There is little chance for education, little choice about whom a woman marries, no choice at all about her role in her own house. Her primary job is to serve her husband’s family. Outside that world, she is an outcast.”

There are two issues that Ms. Rubin does not raise. One, that self-immolation is sadly becoming so wide-spread that it is taking root in a folk-culture. I was in Herat this past summer, and I got the chance to interview a couple burned victims. The fact that they did not consider any other options– both in terms seeking help or of taking their lives in a less painful way– shows how self-immolation is taking its place in the public psyche as the only option available for these women. You might say: what are the options available for the? The fact that there really aren’t any options confirms self-immolation as the only option. If not countered through public-awareness campaigns, this will become a hauntingly dangerous issue.

Another issue that is at the heart of the problem, yet Ms. Rubin does not go in full detail to flesh out, is the economic side. One of the Doctors in Ms. Addario’s video repeatedly says that these issues stem from economic problems, but his language skills limits him to really explain this in detail. The sense that I got over the summer in Herat was that  the main economic issue is the large dowries. The value of these dowries are growing exponentially, putting the future groom under tremendous strain. The groom ends up spending years in Iran or Pakistan laboring to meet the dowry demands placed by his in-laws. By the time he marries his bride, he already has a deeply rooted grudge against her. On top of that, having paid so much money for her, he feels like he has bought her and he has the right to treat her in any way he wants.


Ambassador Stubborn Holbrooke

Karzai's rocky relationship with the west: Richard Holbrooke the cause? Mark Wilson/Getty Images/zimbio

Kai Eide, the former UN special representative to Afghanistan, has been very vocal in his criticism of the Obam Administration’s approach to the Karzai government. He has blamed Obama’s civil and military leaders for the continuous strain in the relationship with Kabul.

In a recent interview published by BBC Pashto, Mr. Eide was was especially critical of Obama’s envoy to South Asia, Ambassador Richard Holbrooke.  Mr. Eide claimed that Holbrooke was stubborn and unaware of Afghan sensitivities.

“I think Holbrooke’s approach, especially at the beginnings of Obama administration,  was very harmful. He is a person who got very involved in the Presidential elections. I agree that a lot of wrongdoings happened in the elections. But foreigners like Holbrooke, too, got very involved. This became the source of the tensions that we have today.”

Some other key points from the interview:

–Mr. Eide disagreed with the decision for announcing withdrawal date, saying it has caused panic among European members of NATO. They, too, are looking for a way out now, which has strained the Afghan government’s trust in its international partners.

— On Karzai’s relationship to the West: “I agree that President Karzai’s approach has been lacking. But I also see that the international community’s approach towards him, especially the United States’,  has played a major role in straining the relationship between Karzai and the West. And they do not realize that they have let down and distanced not only Karzai but also other leaders in that country, which can affect the larger population too. You can’t go into the country and say: I am your guest, but I will be dictating terms here based on my own ideas. These things won’t work in Afghanistan. I have said this at the Security Council also, and the US Ambassador in Kabul, Eikenberry, agrees with me. But no one listens to him either.”

— “Its imperative that leaders, especially those in Washington, learn the art of learning and listening.  When the Obama administration took over, they distinguished themselves from the previous administration in the fact that they will listen to others. Unfortunately, that’s not what I see. And this factor has played a major role in why we are in a mess today”


The Parlimentary Elections: More Positive than you think

Afghanistan Parliamentary elections. Image:AP

Alissa Rubin writes in today’s New York Times that 1.3 million votes from Afghanistan’s parliamentary elections have been disqualified. The number is significant. But the fact that the Election Commission has carefully weeded out these fraudulent votes is even more significant, both to this vote and to the future of democracy in Afghanistan.

Ms. Rubin writes:

Despite rampant fraud in the parliamentary elections last month, whose preliminary results were announced Wednesday, the Afghan Independent Election Commission appears to have tried to do an honest job of counting the ballots, an effort that was lauded by the United Nations and even by some losing candidates.

Often, people are quick to jump at conclusions when they read about the sheer magnitude of the fraud. They ignore the context of this vote: an on going war that influences every aspect of the vote, the voter, and the candidate. They also forget that voting and nationwide elections is a new practice in Afghanistan. The preventative measures that have been fine-tuned over long years in the west do not even exist in Afghanistan. What exists is warlords and powerful men who have always had their way, through their gun. Fraud, as a result, is only natural.

But I see this as good news. At this time, Afghanistan does not need “successful” elections. It needs corrective measures like this to fine-tune the process of democracy there and build a strong foundation.  It is better to have fraud that is weeded out and corrected than to have an election that is considered a “success” and its irregularities  are ignored. For Afghanistan, that would be unnatural, extremely dangerous, and hopeless to the future of democracy in that country


Karzai’s Vission

Aljazeera recently aired an absolutely impressive program from Kabul. David Frost conducted a pair of interviews with General Petraeus and President Karzai that were absolutely fantastic, both for the standard of journalism and the skills of interviewing, but also for the warmth and humanity of the conversations. He gave the individuals tremendous room to breath, something that is lacking in today’s media.

Two important points raised by the General: A good majority of the Taliban they are fighting are “ten dollar a day Taliban.” Also, he emphasized that “what we do know is that very few of the Taliban leaders actually sit foot in the country.”


Frost raises an interesting question: Karzai’s father was murdered by the Taliban. How does that affect the negotiations when he sits down face to face with them? a wonderful answer by the president: “my father was only one of the thousands.” It really exemplifies the man’s optimism and his desire to see Afghanistan towards stability.
The president also emphasizes that he has no hopes for another term in office whatsoever.
Most interviews with Karzai are clouded with a tension of presumptions. Whether you agree with an individual or not, it’s nice to give him the space to explain himself.


The Non-violent Past of Pakistan’s Tribal Areas

Ghaffar Khan with Gandhi. (Image from: Peaceworkmagazine)

In the past few years, Pakistan’s North West passage has been in
the news for the wrong reasons. The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (known as the North West Frontier Province until recently) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas have progressively turned into the hub of extremism and lawlessness, and a training ground  for the Taliban. News of violence from the region makes the headlines on almost daily basis.

While the scope of the recent violence might tempt us to believe so, the Frontier wasn’t always like this. For an extended period in the
20th century, not only was the frontier extremely peaceful, but also at the forefronts of a non-violence movement in South Asia.  In fact, the history of this movement–what inspired its launch as well as what caused its demise–gives a good understanding as to why the Frontier has been the battleground of coercive activities that are mostly planned and orchestrated from more urban areas such as Karachi and Quetta.

The non-violence movement was started in 1929 by a man named Ghaffar Khan, who was passionate about ridding his people from traditions of quarrels and blood feuds. “Factions, feuds, and social evils were rife among Pathans…They were like smouldering embers, always ready to flare up,” Khan wrote in his autobiography years later. Once his movement was in full swing, he was acquainted with India’s Gandhi and integrated his followers into the national struggle of the then British-India for independence.

The history of the frontier region is one of underdevelopment due to repeated negligence and oppression. For a large part of the British rule in India, the frontier tribes were only seen as “the Gatekeepers of the Indian Empire.” As D.P.Singhal fittingly describes in his book India and Afghanistan: a Study of Diplomatic Relations 1876-1907, Britain’s imperial defense policy towards Russia was what dictated how the frontier region was dealt with. The British Army had a constant presence there and on more than two occasions it trampled over the region on its way to Afghanistan. In the face of such military presence, the locals saw their liberties get reduced over time with laws such as the Frontier Crimes Regulation, which advocated collective punishment. Instead of trying to reform, the British took the easier route of cracking down on the frontier. In fact, even Montagu-Chlemsford scheme of 1919-20, which outlined a relatively democratic structure of elections and local governance for provinces of India, did not arrive to the frontier region until ten years later.

From an early age, Ghaffar Khan was pained by the backwardness of his people and the unfavorable treatment by the British. In fact, his main grievance with the British throughout his life was their hesitation in introducing reform in his province. So, at age 20, he began the work himself. In 1910, he built the first school in his village, Utmanzai. He considered the building of schools the most urgent need because “I was well aware that the illiteracy and ignorance of my people could only lead them to ruin and destruction,” he wrote. The building of schools and the campaign for literacy was a first step in Khan preparing his people to rid their coercive traditions and embrace nonviolence as a way of life.  Mukulika Banerjee, an anthropologist who studied Khan and his movement by interviewing veterans, writes that Khan had put nearly twenty years of work “to raise the consciousness and understanding of his audience before calling on them to make sacrifices.” This had laid the ground for the later success of his movement.

The two decades of preparatory work consisted of building over seventy schools in the Frontier, establishing their own newspaper, touring villages to preach literacy, and organizing political rallies and processions to unify the frontier and place it again in the larger context of the region.

In 1929, Khan founded the Khudai Khidmatgar, which literally translates to Servants of God. The Khudai Khidmatgar movement became the means for the reform necessary to rid the Frontier from the violence that it was notorious for and march towards calm and prosperity.

At the heart of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement was service and nonviolence. In the pledge that every member had to take, the notion of service is wonderfully justified.  “I am a Khudai Khidmatgar, and as God needs no service, but serving his creations is serving Him, I promise to serve humanity in the name of God. I promise to refrain from violence and from taking revenge. I promise to forgive those who oppose me or treat me with cruelty. I promise to refrain from taking part in feuds and quarrels and from creating enmity.” There is a clear acknowledgement of the religiosity of the community in this pledge, yet the emphasis is on the universal human, working against certain extremist ideologies of his time. In fact, Ghaffar Khan’s struggle was as much against the dogmatic Mullahs as it was against the superstitious and cruel traditions that eroded the Pathans.

According to Banerjee, the movement grew from 1,000 to 25,000 within a year. At its peak, the movement was 100,000 strong.

For the next 18 years, until India’s independence, Ghaffar Khan and his Khudai Khidmatgar stayed firm to their nonviolence. His struggle, which began as a social reform movement, later integrated into the Indian independence struggle after he learned of Gandhi’s nonviolence. Shoulder to shoulder with Gandhi, they rallied against the British oppression. In fact, the Khudai Khidmatgar remained so firm on nonviolence that when Gandhi’s National Congress faltered from the ideal of nonviolence and announced its initial support for Britian in World War II in return for the promise of independence, Khan resigned from his cooperation with them. In his resignation letter, which Gandhi later exemplified as the kind of commitment needed for nonviolence, Khan wrote : “the nonviolence I have believed in and preached to my brethren of the Khudai Khidmatgar … affects all our lives, and only this permanent value. Unless we learn this lesson of non-violence fully, we shall never do away with the deadly feuds which have been the curse of the people of Frontier. Since we took on non-violence and the Khudai Khidmatgars pledged themselves to it, we have largely succeeded in ending these feuds.”

Despite the success achieved, Khan is quick to recognize its fragile state. Therefore, he is so firm on the principal and will not stray– even for the grand promise of independence.

Post independence, however, as Pakistan was split from India and the Frontier region fell under its jurisdiction, all the good work that Ghaffar Khan had done to reform the frontier was reversed. For his closeness to Gandhi and the Indian national congress, and his opposition to creation of Pakistan, he and his people were seen as traitors by the Pakistani government. The state assumed a policy of negligence and repression towards the frontier regions just like the British had, though for different motives. Later, the region was used as the nurturing ground for religious militants trained and indoctrinated to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan. The frontier, despite the struggles of people like Ghaffar Khan, remained underdeveloped, without a strong infrastructure, and vulnerable to attack of the beast that we know as extremism today.


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